Federal Circuits, 5th Cir. (August 15, 1962)
Docket number: 19037
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James R. Gillespie, San Antonio, Tex., for appellant.
Russell B. Wine, U. S. Atty., K. Key Hoffman, Asst. U. S. Atty., San Antonio, Tex., Ernest Morgan, U. S. Atty., Wayne F. Speck, Asst. U. S. Atty., for appellee.Before BROWN, WISDOM, and BELL, Circuit Judges.WISDOM, Circuit Judge.The conflicting interests of the two co-defendants in this action have generated a narrow but important question relating to the scope of the privilege against self-incrimination: When one of two defendants jointly tried in a criminal proceeding in a federal court exercises his right not to testify, does the Fifth Amendment protect him from prejudicial comments on his silence made to the jury by an attorney for the co-defendant? Pointing to the fact that the United States attorney was free from blame, the Government argues that the general rule against commenting on the exercise of the privilege is inapplicable to the facts of this case. We reject this contention. In a criminal trial in a federal court an accused has a constitutionally guaranteed right of silence free from prejudicial comments, even when they come only from a co-defendant's attorney. If an attorney's duty to his client should require him to draw the jury's attention to the possible inference of guilt from a co-defendant's silence, the trial judge's duty is to order that the defendants be tried separately.I.Carlos Garza de Luna and Adolfo Gomez, cousins, were charged jointly in a two-count indictment with receiving and facilitating the transportation and concealment of a narcotic drug and with purchasing and acquiring a narcotic drug in violation of the Narcotic Drug Import and Export Act. Each hired his own attorney. Each attorney defended his client as he saw best, without regard to the interests of the other defendant. Before trial Gomez moved for a severance. The motion was denied. At the trial in San Antonio, Texas, de Luna, a Mexican national, did not take the stand. Gomez, a resident of San Antonio, took the stand and produced members of his family and other witnesses to testify in his behalf. He put all the blame on de Luna. According to Gomez, he was an innocent victim of circumstances; his only connection with the narcotics was when he and de Luna were riding in Gomez's automobile; de Luna saw the police coming, tossed a package (the narcotics) to him and told him to throw it out of the window. The police saw Gomez throw the package. De Luna's attorney argued that the man he represented was being made a scapegoat; that the police officers testified they had not seen de Luna toss the package to Gomez and had seen no movement in the car although they were alongside it; that the sole culprit was Gomez.In accordance with his theory of the case and impelled by a proper sense of duty to his client, Gomez's attorney, in arguing to the jury, contrasted Gomez's willingness with de Luna's unwillingness to take the stand. He stated plainly that an honest man is not afraid to take the stand and testify.1 He said: "Well, at least one man was honest enough and had courage enough to take the stand and subject himself to cross examination and tell you the whole story, and tell you that, `Yes, I first colored the story, but when I got back to my senses I told the truth, and that's the whole thing.' ¶ You haven't heard a word from this man [de Luna]."This comment followed on the heels of somewhat similar comment to which de Luna's attorney had objected strenuously as "inflammatory and prejudicial". These were not casual or isolated references; they were integral to Gomez's defense. And considering the case from Gomez's point of view, his attorneys should be free to draw all rational inferences from the failure of a co-defendant to testify, just as an attorney is free to comment on the effect of any interested party's failure to produce material evidence in his possession or to call witnesses who have knowledge of pertinent facts. Gomez has rights as well as de Luna, and they should be no less than if he were prosecuted singly. His right to confrontation allows him to invoke every inference from de Luna's absence from the stand.The joint trial, the fact situation, and Gomez's defense placed the trial judge in a dilemma. At the time of the prejudicial remarks and again in his formal charge, he instructed the jury to disregard the fact that de Luna did not testify.2 Yet, in justice to Gomez, the trial judge owed and gave the following instruction:"The defendant Adolfo O. Gomez has taken the stand and testified in his own behalf in this case. A defendant cannot, in a criminal case, be compelled to take the witness stand and to testify. Whether he testifies or does not testify is a matter of his own choosing."When, however, a defendant elects to take the witness stand and testify, then you have no right to disregard his testimony because he is accused of a crime. When a defendant does testify, he at once becomes the same as any other witness, and his credibility is to be tested by and subjected to the same tests as are legally applied to any other witness."No objection can be taken to such instructions in the ordinary case. None can be taken in this case, as far as justice to Gomez is concerned. But here, on top of comments prejudicial to de Luna, such instructions led the jury in the very direction to which the comments of Gomez's attorney pointed.Thus, the joint trial of the two defendants put Justice to the task of simultaneously facing in opposite directions. And Justice is not Janus-faced.The jury found Gomez not guilty on both counts of the indictment, de Luna guilty on both counts. The district judge imposed a sentence of seven years.II.The history3 of the development of the right of silence is a history of accretions, not of an avulsion.4 The privilege against self-incrimination, even as a limited privilege, is not found in Magna Carta,5 the Petition of Right, the Bill of Rights of 1689, or other basic English sources of our liberties.6 The first major constitutional document in which it appeared was the Virginia Bill of Rights in 1776. Yet, from obscure beginnings and subject to eroding currents it has developed into what Dean Griswold has described as "one of the great landmarks in man's struggle to make himself civilized."7The privilege has never lacked for critics ? many of them distinguished jurists and legal scholars. They say, "If we assume the continuance of trial by an impartial jury before a competent judge in public, it is difficult to understand how an accused represented by competent counsel can be unfairly treated by being required to testify."8 The classic attack on the policy of the privilege was made by Jeremy Bentham: "Only the guilty profit from the exclusion [the privilege]."9 No less a judge than Justice Cardozo, in a passage often quoted, said: "Justice * * * would not perish if the accused were subject to a duty to respond to orderly inquiry".10 Professor Wigmore was consistently unfriendly to the privilege, especially to its recognition when there was no direct coercion by the Government and when there was no formal charge to which the unanswered questions relate; his writings are an inexhaustible quarry of quotations apt for use against the policy of the privilege.11 More often than not, the attack on the privilege has been oblique, directed at limiting its scope or undermining its effect by permitting judge and prosecutor to comment on a defendant's exercise of the privilege and permitting the fact-trier to draw all reasonable inferences.12 Criticism of the privilege can be supported by excursions into history to show that the privilege is not what it used to be;13 that, historically, it could not be asserted by one formerly accused or one not coerced directly by the State.14 But the critics, "in their over-emphasis on the history of the Fifth Amendment privilege overlook the fact that a noble principle often transcends its origins, that creative misunderstandings account for some of our most cherished values and institutions; such a misunderstanding may be the mother of invention."15It may be historically true, and Professor Wigmore documents it, that in the first few hundred years of its growth the resistance to the oath ex officio as compulsory self-accusation represented mainly a jurisdictional struggle between State and Church, and between common law courts and ecclesiastical courts; it was "not to protect from answers in the king's court of justice". But the struggle against the inquisitio and oath ex officio on the ground that a man is entitled to be formally accused eventually transcended the jurisdictional questions.16 It may be that Sir Edward Coke, the first to use the maxim, nemo tenetur prodere seipsum,17 objected to the oath, not because of his interest in protecting the individual against the state, but because he objected to the intrusion of the clergy into the field of criminal law; the Court of High Commission and the Court of Star Chamber had no business putting an accused to the oath except in cases concerning marriages and wills. Nevertheless, the association of the prerogative courts with heresy and treason (crimes having to do with the individual's beliefs), the association of the Star Chamber with the rack, the opposition to the oath from Lollards, Puritans, Levellers, and other non-comformists led directly to the abolition of the High Commission and the Star Chamber, the prohibition of the oath,18 and the ultimate triumph of the accusatorial system, all in the general direction of the freedom to speak and the freedom not to speak. It may be that John Lilbourne did not object to answering questions relating to the specific charges against him; he objected to being questioned as to offenses with which he was not charged. "Seeing", he said, "the things for which I am imprisoned cannot be proved against me, you will get other matter out of my examination."19 Yet, so it has been said, "it seems quite clear that we owe the privilege today primarily to Freeborn John Lilbourne."20 The Long Parliament that did away with the High Commission and the Star Chamber and that forbade ecclesiastical courts to administer the oath ex officio or any oath requiring a person to accuse himself of crime, set aside Lilbourne's conviction, "as illegal, and most unjust, against the liberty of the subject, and law of the land, and Magna Carta, and unfit to continue upon the record."By the middle of the seventeenth century the privilege against being questioned until accused had become firmly embedded in the common law as a broad right to remain silent whenever an answer might incriminate. The right was recognized in civil as well as criminal proceedings, and applied to witnesses as well as to defendants. Carrying the right to its logical conclusion ? although it now seems a reductio ad absurdum ? for two hundred years a defendant in a criminal case was not permitted to testify. The importance of the privilege then shifted to potential defendants.When the colonists first came to this country it was at a time when the Puritans strongly opposed the oath ex officio. They carried with them their spirit of nonconformity. They opposed the inquisitorial methods of the royal governors, as they had opposed the oppressive practices of the Crown and the Star Chamber.21 The Puritans were not the only colonists who carried strong recollections of the struggle against compulsory self-accusation.22 In 1776 the Virginia Declaration of Rights provided that a person could not "be compelled to give evidence against himself". By 1784 seven state constitutions banned self-incrimination.23The framers of the Fifth Amendment chose language susceptible of a narrow reading: "No person * * * shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself." This would seem to be limited to witnesses testifying in criminal proceedings only; Madison could hardly have had in mind an accused exercising the privilege against self-incrimination at a time when a defendant was incompetent to testify.24 Our courts, however, have not stood for a narrow constitutional construction of the Fifth Amendment based on a literal reading of the language in the light of its historical origins. The privilege is not limited to witnesses.25 It is not limited to criminal proceedings.26 It is not limited to cases involving direct compulsion to testify.27 The scope of its application includes a wide variety of situations that would have astonished the founding fathers.The Supreme Court stands firmly for a broad view of the right. "To apply the privilege narrowly or begrudgingly ? to treat it as an historical relic, at most merely to be tolerated ? is to ignore its development and purpose".28 "This constitutional protection must not be interpreted in a hostile or niggardly spirit."29 The Fifth Amendment "must have a broad construction in favor of the right which it was intended to secure."30Summarizing and of course greatly oversimplifying it, jurisdictional objections against overreaching by ecclesiastical courts and a resistance movement against oppressive inquisitorial practices which led to the great civil and religious reforms in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries resulted in recognition of the privilege against self-incrimination by one not formally accused. This limited privilege against compulsory self-incrimination until formally accused has now developed into a broad right of silence, a freedom not to speak ? complementing freedom of speech.31 Because the right is the result of successive accretions, it is not as severely bounded by historical origins, surveyed as of an early time, as are some legal institutions. It is more important to consider its line of growth as indicative of an expanding right capable of encompassing new and novel situations today as in the past.32 If the expansion of the individual's right of silence comes at the expense of the power and efficiency of the State, that is but in accord with the nature of the right and its historical development. "[B]oth the safeguard of the Constitution and the common law rule spring alike from that sentiment of personal self-respect, liberty, independence and dignity which has inhabited the breast of English speaking peoples for centuries, and to save which they have always been ready to sacrifice any governmental facilities and conveniences."33III.In the common law in England until 1898 and in this country until after the Civil War, the incompetency of an accused to testify made the effect of his silence a metaphysical question. It ceased to be metaphysical when statutes were enacted giving defendants the option to testify in their behalf.34 To make the privilege against self-incrimination effective and to preserve the presumption of innocence, almost all of the states adopted laws forbidding comment on a defendant's neglect or refusal to testify and decreeing that no inference should be drawn from his silence.35 In 1878 Congress adopted a statute allowing the defendant to testify in federal cases. The pertinent federal statute, 18 U.S. C.A. § 3481, on which the appellant relies in addition to relying on the Fifth Amendment, provides that "the person charged shall, at his own request, be a competent witness" and "[h]is failure to make such request shall not create any presumption against him".It is worth noting that this statute, like the Fifth Amendment, does not speak in terms of "privilege". "Privilege" could connote a special benefit necessarily carrying a strict construction. The language is the language of rights and freedoms. The statutory option is not couched as a limitation on the prosecution. It carries no necessary implication that the absence of any presumption of guilt means no more than a ban against a prosecutor or trial judge drawing inferences of guilt and commenting on the inferences or presumptions silence might raise. Together, the constitutional grant and the statutory option seem to give an accused in a criminal trial an absolute right to silence, should he exercise the option, carrying complete freedom from adverse comment and from harmful presumptions (and inferences) based on assertion of the right.Even in situations not involving criminal proceedings, the Supreme Court has observed that the "privilege against self-incrimination would be reduced to a hollow mockery if its exercise could be taken as equivalent either to a confession of guilt or a conclusive presumption of perjury". Justice Clark, in Slochower v. Board of Higher Education, 1956, 350 U.S. 551, 557, 76 S.Ct. 637, 100 L.Ed. 692. In Grunewald v. United States, 1957, 353 U.S. 391, 421, 77 S.Ct. 963, 1 L.Ed.2d 931 Justice Harlan, for the majority of the Court, pointed out that "recent re-examination of the history and meaning of the Fifth Amendment has emphasized anew that one of the basic functions of the privilege" is "to protect `the innocent who otherwise might be ensnared by ambiguous circumstances' (Slochower)". Concurring, Justice Black said:"[There are] no special circumstances that would justify use of a constitutional privilege to discredit or convict a person who asserts it. The value of these constitutional privileges is largely destroyed if persons can be penalized for relying on them."A fortiori, a defendant in a criminal case, accorded the benefit of the presumption of innocence, should not be penalized for relying on a constitutional right.36If comment on an accused's silence is improper for judge and prosecutor, it is because of the effect on the jury, not just because the comment comes from representatives of the State.37 Indeed, the effect on the jury of comment by a co-defendant's attorney might be more harmful than if it comes from judge or prosecutor. A judge, in keeping with his high degree of responsibility to conduct a fair trial, would be expected to give a balanced, moderate explanation of the inferences to be drawn from silence. Similarly, but to a lesser degree, a prosecutor would be expected to recognize his responsibility for fair comment. But much less restraint can be expected from an attorney to whom no little latitude is allowed when zeal, emotion, eloquence, and the advocate's afflatus take hold of a jury argument.Even if it were true that reasonable men cannot avoid drawing "natural inferences from an accused's silence," that is quite a different thing from having the silence emphasized by comment. The imputation of guilt from silence, if it does nothing else, may confuse the jury as to the presumption of innocence in favor of the accused.Here it is by no means certain that the inference Gomez's attorney drew is warranted. De Luna was a Mexican national, in a strange city. He was surrounded by Gomez's family, who came to testify for Gomez. In the "ambiguous circumstances" of this case an innocent man, if he has language difficulties, if he is excessively nervous, if he is placed at a disadvantage as against his co-defendant, or if he has had a previous record of convictions or association with narcotics offenders, might very well decide that his appearance on the stand would subject him to a risk of being misunderstood or convicted of guilt by association, that would be disproportionate to the advantage of testifying truthfully. He is entitled to make that choice.IV.We have found no case directly in point. Counsel for the United States referred us to Commonwealth v. Hassan, 1920, S.Jud.Ct.Mass., 235 Mass. 26, 126 N.E. 287. In that case the defendant was indicted with a co-defendant for murder. There was little, if any, doubt that the victim was killed by a revolver fired by one of the two defendants. The defendant who was convicted failed to explain the presence of cartridges in his shoes, a failure commented upon by the co-defendant's attorney in his argument to the jury. Counsel for the defendant presented a number of requests for instructions to the Clerk of Court but did not ask the Court to grant his requests until after the argument. One of these requested charges was that the defendant's failure to explain the cartridges could not be considered against him. The Supreme Judicial Court upheld the trial judge's ruling that the requests were not seasonably presented, because they were not presented before the argument. By way of dictum the court did say:"If this [reference by the co-defendant's attorney] was regarded as improper, the attention of the judge should have been called to it at once. * * * Moreover, no argument whatsoever was made upon the point by the district attorney or prosecuting officer, who alone is within the purview of the statute. It does not apply to arguments made in behalf of a codefendant." Commonwealth v. Hassan, 1920, 235 Mass. 26, 126 N.E. 287, 289.A carefully considered opinion of the Supreme Judicial Court of Massachusetts is entitled to great respect. But this statement is not necessary to the decision and in any event seems to rest on specific language of the Massachusetts statute, St.1912, c. 325, stating that refusal to testify shall not be made the subject of any comment by the prosecution or by the court.Closer on principle ? if distinguishable on the facts ? are cases such as United States v. Housing Foundation, 3 Cir., 1949,Try vLex for FREE for 3 days
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