Down To The Wire
First published in The Law Society Gazette 22 February
2008.
We can use intercept evidence in a way that will lead to
fairer trials and avoid extending pre-charge detention, argues
Jeremy Summers
In 1586 encoded letters were intercepted and admitted in
evidence to convict Mary Queen of Scots of treason for plotting
to kill Elizabeth I. England is therefore no stranger to the
use of intercept evidence in criminal trials and as a country
we now authorise more surveillance operations than most other
countries.
Despite this, a report this month by Sir John Chilcot
recommending that intercepted communications be used in
terrorism trials generated a huge amount of media debate. The
Prime Minister is supportive of Chilcot's report, albeit
with tight limits.
Internationally, intercept evidence is routinely used in
evidence, for example by the US in Mafia and terrorist trials,
but our own intelligence community is decidedly squeamish when
it comes to the prospect of allowing covert material to find
its way into English courts.
The arguments advanced in support of that position are that
sources and secret service operations would be compromised and
the relationship between the police and intelligence providers
would be jeopardised. Additionally, disclosing this material,
it is said, would place too great a burden on prosecution
resources and might hamper the ability to react to changes in
communications technology.
No other common law country prohibits the use of covertly
obtained evidence, and, despite the security services'
reservations, there can be little plausible justification for
having evidence and not using it. If compelling information is
available it should be before a court to assess. More pertinent
questions arise as to how it should be used and what impact it
should have on the fight against terror more generally.
Gordon Brown indicated that the intercepting agencies should
have the right to determine whether evidence is used. While
accepting that national security must always be protected, it
should be left to the courts, not the security services or
others, to decide when that risk arises. The intercepting
agencies should have the ability to argue their case, if
necessary before a specially appointed court, but they should
not be judge and jury. There are already too many instances in
British criminal justice history where abuse of power by the
authorities has led to collapsed trials and, worse,
miscarriages of justice.
A court should...
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