¿Una nueva Constitución Política para el Perú?
Published date | 29 December 2020 |
Author | Milagros Maraví |
Law Firm | Rubio Leguía Normand |
La propuesta de aprobar una nueva Constitución que reemplace a la de 1993 va cobrando fuerza y es oportuno analizar su viabilidad jurídica y política.
Para su reforma, la Constitución Política de 1993 dispone en su artículo 206° que “Toda reforma constitucional debe ser aprobada por el Congreso con mayoría absoluta del número legal de sus miembros, y ratificada mediante referéndum”. Asimismo, dispone que “Puede omitirse el referéndum cuando el acuerdo del Congreso se obtiene en dos legislaturas ordinarias sucesivas con una votación favorable, en cada caso, superior a los dos tercios del número legal de congresistas”.
Nuestra Constitución ha previsto la posibilidad de que su reforma sea total o parcial, lo cual implicaría, en el primer supuesto, un reemplazo del texto completo de la Constitución de 1993 con sus modificatorias hasta la fecha. Así lo evidencia la referencia del artículo 32° a la posibilidad de que puedan ser sometida a referéndum “La reforma total o parcial de la Constitución”.
La Constitución de 1993 ha sido objeto de 20 reformas constitucionales, en temas tan disímiles en trascendencia como el capítulo completo de la descentralización y el cambio de denominación de la Superintendencia de Banca, Seguros y Administradoras Privadas de Fondos de Pensiones (AFPs). Algunas de ellas han seguido la vía de la doble votación calificada del Congreso de la República y otras la del referéndum. Por ejemplo, las reformas mencionadas en este párrafo se adhirieron al primer procedimiento; mientras que las recientes reformas vinculadas al sistema electoral fueron aprobadas por referéndum. En ese sentido, nuestra Constitución ha experimentado casi todas las variables previstas en su texto, menos la reforma total.
En esta coyuntura, considero que la iniciativa ciudadana de reemplazar la Constitución de 1993 debe canalizarse por los cauces que ella misma establece. No debemos acudir a la figura de una asamblea constituyente porque nuestra Constitución prevé una vía específica, y usar otro mecanismo no previsto en ella nos conduce a un espacio fuera del marco constitucional. Ello es, no solo inconstitucional per se, sino muy peligroso porque se carece de límites constitucionalmente establecidos. Además, hay temas muy relevantes, tales como definir cuándo y bajo qué reglas se elige la Asamblea Constituyente, y por qué mecanismo esta aprobará el nuevo texto constitucional que, claro está, ninguna entidad tiene actualmente competencia para hacerlo.
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